LBT321-322 331宜蒨

P321~322上

Thus there can be no doubt that the deaf come in contact with language at an age when other children have fully mastered this skill and when, perhaps, the most important formative period for language establishment is already on the decline; furthermore, their contact with language samples, even at this late age, is dramatically reduced in amount in comparison with the amount of language to which a hearing child is exposed; and finally, these children have to process visually what other children receive aurally. The latter point is of no small consequence because there are indications that the eye is slower in its temporal integration than the ear, and, therefore, even if perfection could be attained in lip reading (the most proficient lip readers cannot identify more 40 to 50﹪ of articulated phonemes （Eggermont, 1964）, ordinary discourse would be so fast that only small parts could be followed adequately.

當其他小朋友已經到達徹底精熟這些語言技巧的年紀時，失聰的小孩才開始接觸語言，或許，最重要的的語言形成建構時期已經衰退；而且，即使在這麼晚的年紀，跟一個正常聽力的小孩相較起來，被暴露在語言的次數明顯的減少，最後，這些小孩必須透過視覺取代聽覺上的接收。後點並不是絕對的，因為視覺的整合比聽覺緩慢，因此，即使能完美的讀唇語（最完美的讀唇語也無法辨認超過40~50％清晰的音素（Eggermont, 1964），平常的講話速度很快，以至於只能適當的分辨一小部份。

Language proficiency varies a great deal among pupils in the schools. This is primarily due to such factors as the profoundness of the handicap, its cause, the age at which hearing was lost, and the adaptability of the child to the school environment. Below is a sample of quite average language proficiency of a congenitally deaf boy, aged sixteen （eleven years of schooling）.

語言精熟度在小學生中改變很多。主要的因素是聽力障礙的嚴重度，這和失去聽力的年齡以及小孩適應學校環境的能力有關。以下是一個16歲且先天聽障的男孩，對語言精熟程度的例子。（在學校是11年級）

A Boy Liked a Cigar

一個喜歡雪茄菸的男孩

A boy was named Robert Kennedy. His age was twelve years old.

有一個12歲的男孩，名叫羅伯特‧甘迺迪。

When his father went shopping, he had a nothing to do except to eat something. He remembered his father told him promised to his father not to eat somethings. Later he had a big idea. He went to library room. He walked over his father’s new sofa. The sofa was dirty. He opened the box of cigar. He picked one. And he think and remember his father told him to do. He putted back it. He leave library room. And one of tiny devil told him disobey his father. He lighted it. He smoked for one hour. Later his father came to home. He slept and felt very sick. His father called him. But he did not called. His father thought he ran away. He ran and looked many rooms. The last room he found. He brother him. His father told him what happen to you. He said, ”Nothing!” His father smelled smoke. His father asked him. “Did you smoked my cigar？”He said, “Yes.” His father scold him. And a tiny angle was fight with a tiny devil.

當他爸爸去買東西時，男孩什麼事都不做，除了吃東西。但他記得爸爸要他不要吃ㄧ種東西。後來他有了個好想法，他去書房，經過爸爸的新沙發，沙發很髒。他打開ㄧ個裝有雪茄的盒子，當他拿起一根時，他想起爸爸說的話，所以又放下，離開書房。但心中的惡魔說不要服從爸爸的話，所以他就點了一根雪茄並抽了一個小時。後來爸爸回來了，他睡著了且覺得很不舒服。他爸爸叫他，但他沒有回應，爸爸以為他跑走了，便到很多房間找他，在最後一個房間找到，聞到菸味，問他：「你是不是有抽雪茄？」他回答：「有」然後心裡的天使和惡魔在打架。

It is clear that this boy has achieved an amazing amount of competence in English, considering the obstacles. Nevertheless, there are many mistakes of grammar and style. In the course of my work with the deaf, I have received a sizeable collection of letters from young deaf parents and also older individuals. Among all of these correct spondents, there are some individuals who have been profoundly deaf all their lives but whose letters are perfect in grammar. The vast majority, however, make grammatical mistakes of varying degree of severity and about half have the proficiency exemplified in the previous sample.

很清楚，就這個有障礙的男孩而言，已經達到令人驚訝的英文能力。儘管如此，還是有很多文法和風格的錯誤。在我研究失聰者的案子中，我接收到大量失聰的年輕父母和年老的人的信件。在這些正確的spondents之中，雖然有些人已經完全在生活中失去聽力，但他們的信件有很好的文法。然而，大多數的人的文法錯誤變化度是和其嚴重度有關，且有二分之一的人是很精熟文法，就像前面的例子。

I am inclined to believe that the failures in proficiency are primarily due to shortcomings in instruction and training, and not due to inherent learning incapacities of the deaf. My clinical experience with congenital anarthria suggests that language competence in the deaf could be vastly improved if they were given much more graphically presented language material and at a much earlier age. It is my impression that their language difficulties (in writing) are due to an acute input deficiency－they have just not been given enough examples(raw data to foster their own language synthesis) during the critical early years. This impression is corroborated by those deaf adults who write good grammar, because they are invariably the most avid readers, and have been so for many years. Although peripheral deafness is injurious to oral speech performance, there is no reason why the basic capacity to acquire knowledge of language ought to be implicated as well. The argument that early acquaintance with and recourse to reading and writing is detrimental to these children’s skills in oral communication and lip reading lacks evidence. In fact, we might assume that if these children had better knowledge of language, both of these other skills might be facilitated considerably.

我傾向於相信在精透過程中的失敗的主要原因是因為講授和訓練的缺失，而不是因為失聰者天生的學習無能。我的臨床經驗中有位先天的構音障礙者建議我，如果讓他們在更早期的年齡給予更多圖卡來呈現語言材料，則失聰者的語言表達能力可能被大大地改進。在我的印象中，他們的語言困難（以書面形式），是因為敏銳輸入的不足－在他的關鍵的早期年齡中沒有足夠的例子（促進他們自己語言綜合的原始數據）。這個印象已經被擁有好語法的失聰成人給證實，因為他們一直是最積極的讀者，並且很多年一直是如此。雖然周圍失聰對口頭的講話性能有害，但沒有理由連獲得語言的知識的基本能力也該被牽連。有關「早期了解並依賴閱讀和手寫是有害小孩的口語溝通和讀唇語的能力」的爭議，是缺乏證據的。實際上，我們可能假設這些孩子有良好的語言知識，則其他技能可能有相當大地促進。

P331

Deaf-and blind people who have built up language capacities on tactually perceived stimulus configuration.

失聰和失明的人，可以用觸覺刺激來建立語言能力

Ⅱ TOWARD A BIOLOGICAL CONCEPTION OF SEMANTICS

有關生物學概念的語義

The activity of naming or, in general, of using words may be seen as the human peculiarity to make explicit a process that is quite universal among higher animals, namely, the organization of sensory data. All vertebrates are equipped to superimpose categories of functional equivalence upon stimulus configurations, to classify objects in such a way that a single type of response is given to any one member of a particular stimulus category. The criteria or nature of categorization have to be determined empirically for each species. Frogs may jump to a great variety of flies and also to a specific range of dummy-stimuli, provided the stimuli preserve specifiable characteristics of the “real thing.”

命名這個活動，一般來說，使用文字，似乎是人類製造詳盡過程的特性，徹底的在高等動物之間，也就是說，感覺數據的組織。全部的脊髓動物被分配到機能相等刺激結構之上的種類，用這種分法分類物體，是給任何特別種類中的一個成員單一類型的回應。標準或者歸類的自然，每個種類必須憑經驗來作為根據。蛙可能向許多種蒼蠅跳起以及隨著假模型的刺激有特別的排列，假使這刺激保有一些可區分的“真實事件”特徵。

Furthermore, most higher animals have a certain capacity for discrimination. They may learn or spontaneously begin to differentiate certain aspects within the first global category, perhaps by having their attention directed to certain details or by sharpening their power of observation. In this differentiation process initial categories may become subdivided and become mutually exclusive, or a number of coexisting general and specific categories or partially overlapping categories may result. Again, the extent of a species’ differentiation capacity is biologically given and must be ascertained empirically for each species. Rats cannot make the same range of distinctions that dogs can make, and the latter are different in this respect from monkeys. The interspecific differences cannot merely be explained by differences in peripheral sensory thresholds. Apparently, a function of higher, central processes is involved that to do with cognitive organization.

而且， 大多數高等動物有某種區辦的能力。他們可能學習或者自發開始區辨第一個全球種類的某些方面，或許透過讓人把他們的注意指向某些細節或者透過他們敏銳的觀察能力。在這最初的區辨過程，可能變成再細分，且彼此互補，或者是，普遍共存的其中之一，且是特別種類或可能發生部份種類重疊。再次，種類區別能力的廣度是生物學的給並且一定是每以經驗來做為種類查明的依據。相同的區別範圍，老鼠不能做的但狗能做，並且後者和猴子在這方面有不同。種類間的差異不能僅僅用外部的觀點來解釋。顯然的，高等的功能，它的中心過程是包括認知的組織。

Most primates and probably many species in other mammalian orders have the capacity to relate various categories to one another and thus to respond to relations between things rather than to things themselves; an example is “to respond to the largest of any collection of things.” Once more, it is a matter of empirical research to discover the limits of relations that a species is capable of responding to.

大多數靈長動物和很多其他哺乳動物的層級有能力講述各式各樣的種類，因此對事情之間關係做出回應而不對事情本身作出回應。 舉例來說：對一件任何都收集的大事情作出回應。再者，發現一個種類的限制關係是一種憑經驗的研究，那是一種回應的能力。

In summary, most animals organize the sensory world by a process of categorization, and from this basic mode of organization two further processes derive: differentiation or discrimination, and interrelating of categories or the perception of and tolerance for transformations（Chapter Seven）.

總之，大多數動物運用分類的過程來組織感覺世界，且從這基本的組織模式中取得二更遠的過程︰區別或者辨別，且種類的相互關連或者感覺是容許轉變的(第7章)。